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Tuesday, April 9, 2013

Sumner, Apostle of the New Religion of Nominalism

     Sumner likes the idea that "nominalism" is on the rise. He'd like to see a whole revamping of textbooks-as has fellow Market Monetarist Lars Christensen argued for:

      "I’ve never liked the way textbooks treat macro.  They have an intro to money section with some basic accounting (MV=PY) and also the quantity theory of money (which 99.9% of students and 90% of economists think is somehow related to MV=PY.  It isn’t.)  There’s discussion of the German hyperinflation from a sort of hot potato perspective.  And then . . ."

      ". . . and then it’s all dropped.  Then we go into Keynesian chapters where NGDP = C + I + G + NX and money affects interest rates and inflation is caused by “overheating economies” (like Zimbabwe?)"

   "I always thought the “classical dichotomy” provided the natural framework for explaining macro to students.  There’s the nominal economy, and there’s the real economy.  We could explain the nominal economy with a monetary (hot potato) framework and the real economy by assuming nominal shocks have real effects due to sticky wages and prices.  What could be simpler?"

    "In this framework the AD curve is relabeled NE (nominal expenditure) and is a hyperbola.  Monetary theory explains why that hyperbola shifts northeast or southwest, and sticky wages and prices explain why the SRAS is upward sloping and the LRAS is vertical.  No need to throw out those early money chapters; you can tell students the “MV stuff” explains why the NE curve shifts left and right."

   "We would also de-emphasize “inflation shocks.” Recall that we should never “reason from a price change,” because inflation from the demand-side is a totally different phenomenon than inflation caused by supply shocks.  On the other hand we should always and everywhere reason from an unanticipated NGDP change, because those affect employment in predictable ways, regardless of whether they hit a healthy economy (1929) or an economy ravaged by debt problems (2008.)  They cause employment fluctuations.  Period, end of story."

     http://www.themoneyillusion.com/?p=20650#comments

     He praises part of an article in the Financial Times which seems to augur this age of Nominalism. However, he doesn't like another part in the article which he sees as a specious correlation between inflation targeting and a lower share of GDP for labor:

     "On the other hand, I was disturbed by this:

A significant change in monetary policy is under way around the world. From Abenomics in Japan, to the greater flexibility just afforded to the Bank of England with regards to pursuing its inflation target, and the Federal Reserve introducing an explicit unemployment target, it is clear that the days of inflation targeting are numbered.
The focus on lower inflation has lasted more than 30 years, resulting in three decades of falling inflation. In the US it dropped from 12 per cent in 1979 to below 2 per cent before the credit crunch hit. The policy also produced a 30-year bull market for bonds, as US Treasury yields fell from more than 15 per cent in the early 1980s to below 4 per cent by the mid-2000s.
However, this success in beating inflation has been achieved at the cost of a declining share of labour in national income.
It is not a coincidence that the share of labour in GDP peaks in the 1970s for both the US and the UK. Given that the largest element of costs was – and remains – labour, the fight against inflation amounted to a campaign to squeeze labour incomes.

     "Monetary contraction in 1981-82, and again in 1991, did temporarily raise unemployment.  But tight money has no long run effect on the share of national income going to labor, as wages and prices will eventually adjust to the new inflation rate.  And in the short run a contractionary policy can (sometimes) actually raise real wage rates (although) of course it reduces total real income earned by workers."

      "When two long run trends happen at the same time, don’t assume one causes the other."

     Yesterday he had another post criticizing Matt Ygelsias for thinking that Sumner's proposal for a consumption tax depends on an assumption of full employment. Sumner thinks that Yglesias confounds a "real" or "supply" issue of taxes with a nominal issue-demand. 

       "I absolutely do not assume the economy is at full employment when advocating consumption taxes.  And “financial saving” is a meaningless term, so I won’t comment on that.  Saving is saving; it is defined in all the textbooks as the funds that go into investment. (You are free to have your own definition.) There are actually three errors embedded in the Roth/Yglesias critique:

1.  There is no paradox of thrift, so saving doesn’t cause higher unemployment. Oddly, the most common error on this topic is exactly the opposite; most people think high saving/CA surplus economies steal jobs from low saving economies, a view that is equally wrong.  Periods of higher than normal unemployment are caused by either NGDP shocks (bad monetary policy) or bad supply-side policies (think France/Italy/Spain.)

2.  OK, most old-style Keynesians don’t agree with me on the paradox of thrift, but today even old-style Keynesians accept the natural rate hypothesis, which says than demand doesn’t affect the long run average level of output, just the volatility. So even if higher saving did cause high unemployment, it would have no bearing on long run decisions over what sort of tax regime to implement, which affect the level of saving, not the volatility.

3.  Now let’s say I’m wrong about both the paradox of thrift and the natural rate hypothesis.  Suppose that we are permanently at the zero bound and the central bank is too conservative to push unemployment all the way down to the natural rate, but instead targets an unemployment rate that is 2% above normal.  (Put aside the question of why wages and prices don’t eventually adjust. Let’s suppose there is some sort of “hysteresis” that keeps the unemployment rate fluctuating around a trend line 2% above normal.)  In other words, I’ll take the most extreme Keynesian assumption I can think of.  What then?  Even in that case a consumption tax is optimal.  Even if we are not at full employment.  That’s because what matters is not the level of saving but rather changes in the share of GDP that is saved.  And in the long run those net out to zero.

   "The day we start making long run optimal tax regime decisions based on their implications for the business cycle is the day we become a banana republic."


      Interesting. I do notice that while he would throw away the textbooks, he'd keep the part that says S=I, ie, national income accounting.  In my last piece about Sumner, both Unlearning Econ and Greg took Sumner apart. What say you-or Woj, or anyone else-regarding this? I think this is an important issue to get a handle on. 

14 comments:

  1. As far as the inflation targeting and labour thing goes, it's spot on. Sumner could argue using evidence but he just uses 'just so' stories i.e. reaffirms that the events didn't fit his preconceptions.

    As for the rest of it: we've been through it. Endogenous money blah blah blah. Sumner won't respond satisfactorily in his comments so I won't discuss it any further.

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  2. "In my last piece about Sumner, both Unlearning Econ and Greg took Sumner apart."

    Which piece?

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  3. http://diaryofarepublicanhater.blogspot.com/2013/04/what-causes-business-cycle-sumner-vs.html

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  4. Ooooooh thanks Mike! Im getting credit for a "take apart"!

    Is that a blogging equivalent of a takedown in wrestling?

    I must chuckle at his choice of terms though. Nominalist apparently was/is the derisive term many other economists refer to Chartalists as. Chartalism of course is a kissing cousin of MMT.

    Think about GDP like this. The number of units sold of whatever good or service you sell multiplied by the price of it is our GDP. If I sell half but charge (and get paid!!) double, GDP doesnt change but the number of people I use to move the product gets cut. I dont need as many sales people to sell 1000 cars as I do 2000 cars. Scott seems to only care what the total unit sold x price number is while I want to keep the total units sold increasing. Total units sold is real growth, selling less for higher prices is inflation.

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    1. You've made ths point before and it's a good one but still let me ask you this: what is the difference between GDP and NGDP then as you argue that GDP is already a measure of prices.

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    2. I dont think there is one, except in the mind of some disingenuous economists. Not that all economists who talk about inflation adjustment are disingenuous but many use this, in my view, as a way to dismiss fiscal interventions. They argue that "Yes in short term we can make fiscal adjustments but over the longterm monetary changes will result in simple inflation and no net change in relative wealth" Which of course is completely unsubstantiated by history. In fact we have over the years made more and more people wealthier in real terms. The pie hasnt just grown bigger, its grown bigger and more people have gotten enough of a portion to stay healthy and alive. This has only started to deteriorate, in my view, since we started listening too much to Milton Friedman and tried to forget Keynes, ie focused on monetary and ignored fiscal.. Yes the 70s had inflation but inflation, in and of itself isnt bad, it just means everyones numbers are growing faster than their stuff is growing but as long as the stuff is growing we shouldnt fret about it too much. Its only when the stuff stops growing (or contracts) and the numbers KEEP growing that we have a potential problem.

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    3. A lot of the inflation in the 70s was from the oil and food shocks as well.

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    4. Yes you are right Mike much of the 70s inflation was due to oil prices and food shocks and these were "real" not monetary phenomena. The high price of oil was making everything dependent on oil (which is like... everything) more expensive too. So we were approaching a situation where we were going to produce less stuff for higher prices. Interestingly, this should be a non topic for Sumner because "NGDP" was likely unaffected. The 70s were not a time of falling GDP, that didnt occur til Volcker jacked rates up.

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    5. There are people who think high oil prices will choke growth in the future-actually this woman who Sumner links to believes this. We got a reprieve from high oil in the 80s and 90s, however now she thinks high oil is here to stay with all that demand.

      http://oilprice.com/

      Interesting that he links to her as I don't think he would agree with her.

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  5. Greg, Selling less for higher prices is inflation. You do mean price inflation, right? If sellers can get higher prices in a demand constrained economy what does this say? Consumers have been paying higher prices for certain goods of late, and yet we're not seeing any signs of real growth rates that would indicate the economy is inflating. I saw it argued somewhere recently, that the higher prices we're paying right now are an indirect prepayment for the next bailout. I've been so tempted to re-enter the stock market, but my intuition tells me that valuations are not real, and are overvalued. Financials in particular are not priced based on mark to market asset values and it would seem that these players have been emboldened to repeat the past based on the fact that no one has been held accountable for past transgressions. Big settlement fines is now a cost of doing business, and until meaningful jail time is imposed on some of the big guys, the cycle will repeat itself. If the Mellonites hold sway during the next melt down, we will be in for some hard times. There. Rant over. Carry on.

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  6. Nanute, I agree that selling less for higher prices is inflation. I thought I said that in my comment, sorry if I wasnt clear. That is how Im distinguishing myself from Sumner, whom I believe thinks that only the NGDP (units sold x price) matters. He doesnt care if only one 20 trillion dollar sale takes place. Its the 20 trillion of N-GDP that matters to him not the actual number of units produced.

    I think the rest of your comment about the financial sector and stock market is spot on.

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  7. Greg, Your comment was clear. I was just asking for a bit of clarification. My point was/is that we aren't seeing signs of broader measures of inflation across the economy. Unemployment remains high, domestic production capacity is anemic, interest rates are low, etc. Are production costs really justifying price increases, or is something else going on? I can't for the life of me, understand why there is such a push towards less government spending under current conditions. I guess I'm just a pure Keynesian at heart.

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  8. The one Austrian concept that I do find interesting is the idea of "relative inflation" which kind of gives credence to our intution that while the CPI is low-ie, "general inflation"-certain prices are realtively higher and squeeze us-food and gas for instance. "Realtive inflation" just means certain prices are elevated-you could also argue it's "supply side" inflation."

    This has nothing to do with less govt spending just that I'm beginning to see what value ABCT can have. Lars Christensen has an interesting piece today I may write about later.

    http://marketmonetarist.com/2013/04/09/spains-quasi-depression-an-austrian-bust-or-a-monetary-contraction-or-both/

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  9. One thing I think is at work here is the cost of finance, which can realy be considered a cost of production. Art Shipman talks about this alot and I think he is dead on. There is only so many costs that are negotiable and even at low interest rates the fact that principle is being repaid by so many businesses, (not to mention the fact that many businesses are still stuck paying loans from pre 2007) keeps them from being able to cut prices much...... Ya gotsa pay the mortgage!

    Low interest rates only help so much, if you still are paying back principle only its a fixed cost.

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